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This Week in Afghanistan Watch:
This is the last regular installation of Afghanistan Watch in August.
Afghanistan Watch will resume in September.
August 11, 2005
"I'm not going to quit, because I want to show
people that a woman should be able to do these things. But definitely
I fear for my life."
-Noorzia Charkhi, a female journalist campaigning for a
seat in Afghanistan's parliament.
U.S.
to Transfer Detainees from Guantanamo to Afghanistan
August 5 (Washington Post), by Josh White
and Robin WrightThe Bush administration is negotiating the
transfer of nearly 70 percent of the detainees at the U.S. detention
facility in Guantanamo Bay, Cuba, to three countries as part of
a plan, officials said, to share the burden of keeping suspected
terrorists behind bars.
U.S. officials announced yesterday that they have
reached an agreement with the government of Afghanistan to transfer
most of its nationals to Kabul's "exclusive" control and
custody. There are 110 Afghan detainees at Guantanamo and 350 more
at the Bagram airfield near Kabul. Their transfers could begin in
the next six months
.
The decision to move more than 20 percent of the
detainees at Guantanamo to Afghanistan and to largely clear out
the detention center at Bagram is part of a broader plan to significantly
reduce the population of "enemy combatants" in U.S. custody.
Senior U.S. officials said yesterday's agreement is the first major
step toward whittling down the Guantanamo population to a core group
of people the United States expects to hold indefinitely.
"This is not an effort to shut down Guantanamo.
Rather, the arrangement we have reached with the government of Afghanistan
is the latest step in what has long been our policy -- that we need
to keep dangerous enemy combatants off the battlefield," Matthew
Waxman, deputy assistant secretary of defense for detainee affairs,
said shortly after leaving Kabul with Prosper. "We, the U.S.,
don't want to be the world's jailer. We think a more prudent course
is to shift that burden onto our coalition partners."
The negotiations come amid intense international
and domestic pressure on U.S. detention operations, with allegations
of mistreatment and abuse as well as concern that detainees have
been held for years without being prosecuted for their alleged crimes.
Legal problems have also plagued the prosecutorial process at Guantanamo,
which has been blocked for months as detainees' attorneys present
challenges in U.S. federal courts.
"The Guantanamo issue is clearly a liability
for the Bush administration, and emptying it has become a priority,"
said John Sifton, a specialist on Afghanistan and detainee issues
at Human Rights Watch, an international monitoring group. "It's
not a victory for human rights if a whole set of people deprived
of their liberty are then moved to another place and continued to
be deprived of their liberty unlawfully."
Over the past year, U.S. military authorities
have released several dozen Afghans that have been determined as
not posing a threat. But President Hamid Karzai has repeatedly called
on the United States to hand over all Afghan citizens. He raised
the issue during a meeting with President Bush in May
In a military fact sheet about "the future"
of Guantanamo, developed in early July, defense officials indicated
that the operational priority of the facility is to shift from intelligence
gathering to long-term detention.
Editorial: Emptying Guantanamo
August 6 (Washington Post)The agreement
announced this week to repatriate 110 Afghan detainees from Guantanamo
Bay Naval Base is a breakthrough of sorts in the thorny problem
of managing captives in the war on terrorism....But turning these
people over raises potentially significant human rights concerns
that the administration must confront. Repatriating detainees en
masse offers an opportunity for the administration to relieve pressure
on its own detention facilities. But it must take care to avoid
a situation in which abuse of large numbers of inmates by foreign
surrogates could appear to have taken place on America's behalf.
Newsweek
Exclusive: CIA Commander: U.S. Let bin Laden Slip Away
August 15 (Newsweek)During the 2004
presidential campaign, George W. Bush and John Kerry battled about
whether Osama bin Laden had escaped from Tora Bora in the final
days of the war in Afghanistan
Bush asserted that U.S. commanders
on the ground did not know if bin Laden was at the mountain hideaway
along the Afghan border
But in a forthcoming book, the CIA
field commander for the agency's Jawbreaker team at Tora Bora, Gary
Berntsen, says he and other U.S. commanders did know that bin Laden
was among the hundreds of fleeing Qaeda and Taliban members. Berntsen
says he had definitive intelligence that bin Laden was holed up
at Tora Bora-intelligence operatives had tracked him-and could have
been caught. "He was there," Berntsen tells NEWSWEEK.
Asked to comment on Berntsen's remarks, National Security Council
spokesman Frederick Jones passed on 2004 statements from former
CENTCOM commander Gen. Tommy Franks. "We don't know to this
day whether Mr. bin Laden was at Tora Bora in December 2001,"
Franks wrote in an Oct. 19 New York Times op-ed. "Bin Laden
was never within our grasp." Berntsen says Franks is "a
great American. But he was not on the ground out there. I was."
Another
Attempted Suicide Bomb
Further evidence of the trend first noted here?
WASHINGTON, August 7 (American Forces Press
Service)In other news from Afghanistan, a suicide bomber was
detained as he attempted to detonate a series of explosives attached
to his body at a U.S. base south of Salerno, near the Pakistani
border, Aug. 6, officials said.
The potential bomber attempted to enter a U.S. facility in the region
under the guise of needing medical attention. At the gate he produced
a grenade, which he attempted to detonate, officials said. But the
grenade failed to detonate, and security forces apprehended the
man. The suicide bomber also had two anti-personnel mines and a
second grenade attached to his body. He is now in the custody of
Afghan forces, officials said.
Pakistan
to close Afghan refugee camps near border
ISLAMABAD (Reuters)Pakistan
has told 105,000 refugees sheltering in its lawless tribal areas
bordering Afghanistan that it will close down their camps, the U.N.
said on Saturday, adding that the region had become too insecure.
Hundreds of people have been killed in fierce clashes between security
forces and al Qaeda-linked militants in the Waziristan tribal region
in the last two years
Pakistan has already closed down camps
in North and South Waziristan, where most of the fighting has taken
place. Earlier this week, the government said Afghans living in
Islamabad and adjoining city of Rawalpindi would be relocated. The
UNHCR said that would affect more than 60,000 refugees. "The
refugees will be offered a choice of voluntary repatriation to Afghanistan
or relocation within Pakistan," the UNHCR statement said.
Abuse
Cases Open Command Issues at Army Prison
FORT BLISS, TX, August 4 (New York Times) by Tim
Golden In a small courtroom
at this vast Army training base, military prosecutors have been
moving briskly to dispense with the cases they have filed in the
brutal deaths in 2002 of two Afghan prisoners at the American military
detention center in Bagram, Afghanistan
the cases have so far
tended to illustrate how unprepared many soldiers were for their
duties at Bagram, how loosely some were supervised and how vaguely
the rules under which they operated were often defined.
Along with other information that has emerged,
trial testimony has underscored a question long at the core of this
case: what is the responsibility of more senior military personnel
for the abuses that took place?
Many former Bagram officers have denied knowing
about any serious mistreatment of detainees before the two deaths.
But others said some of the methods that prosecutors have cited
as a basis for criminal charges, including chaining prisoners to
the ceilings of isolation cells for long periods, were either standard
practice at the prison or well-known to those who oversaw it
"I just don't understand how, if we were
given training to do this, you can say that we were wrong and should
have known better," said the soldier, Pvt. Willie V. Brand,
26, of Cincinnati, a father of four who volunteered for tours in
Afghanistan and Kosovo.
In interviews and statements to investigators,
soldiers who served at Bagram have at times echoed the defenses
offered unsuccessfully by the soldiers charged with abuses at the
Abu Ghraib prison in Iraq, saying they were acting on instructions
from military intelligence personnel or on the authority of superior
officers.
But documents from the Bagram investigation and
interviews with military officials suggest that at least some soldiers
implicated in the two deaths may be able to make such arguments
more forcefully than their counterparts from Abu Ghraib, who were
unable to prove any authorization for their actions. Witness statements
and interviews, for example, indicate that there was a long-running
conflict at Bagram between military intelligence and military police
units over the interrogators' use of guards to keep awake detainees
whom they wanted disoriented for questioning
In interviews, other former interrogators said
she and the staff sergeant who was her deputy had for months been
seeking clarification from their superiors about the interrogation
methods they could use.
"They asked many, many times," said
one former Bagram interrogator who agreed to speak only on condition
of anonymity because of the continuing investigation. "The
lack of guidance was a source of frustration for them. My own feeling
is that it was never given because nobody wanted to put themselves
on the line."
Afghan
Women Put Lives on Line To Run for Office
Despite death threats to women candidatesincluding
letters in Helmand offering a $4,000 bounty for the murder of female
candidatessupport for female
candidates remains stronger than expected, according to Rina Amiri,
a UN political affairs officer. This support comes in large part
from the quota of parliamentary seats guaranteed to women. This
quota has resulted in tribal and family leaders putting forward
female candidates to increase their influence. As the article suggests,
some of the animosity towards female candidates stems precisely
from this policy. This intersection of gender norms and power politics
has put these women at risk.
CHARKH, Afghanistan, July 29 (Washington Post)
by N.C. AizenmanThe note slipped
under Mahmoud Shah's front gate was written in a tidy, graceful
hand. But the message brimmed with venom: "If you don't stop
campaigning for Noorzia Charkhi, your life will be in danger. Also
tell Noorzia Charkhi that she should give up her candidacy. Aren't
you ashamed to put up posters of your family's women in the bazaar?"
|
| Two Afghan women discussing
the 2004 election. © IRIN |
Even though many Afghan families still prohibit
wives and daughters from showing their faces in public, 328 women
are running for the lower house of parliament, where 68 of 249 seats
have been set aside for female representatives. An additional 237
are running for seats on provincial councils that will in turn appoint
a third of the upper house.
Despite the traditional restrictions on women,
the guaranteed quota of legislative seats for them has given political
parties, tribal leaders and powerful families an incentive to promote
female candidates whom they might otherwise have ignoredor
even banned from running.
"There is quite a bit of support for women
running in the parliamentary electionsmuch
more than we expected," noted Rina Amiri, a U.N. political
affairs officer who is monitoring the elections. Yet female candidates
in provinces across the country have complained of receiving phone
calls and letters threatening them with death if they don't withdraw.
Afghanistan's
forgotten war
The New York Times identifies the paradox inherent in Musharraf's
stancebut doesn't suggest a
coherent American policy position.
August 6 (New York Times) EditorialAfghanistan
is out of the headlines, but its war against the Taliban goes on.
These days, it is not going well. One of the most important reasons
for that is the ambivalence of Pakistan, the nation that originally
helped create, nurture and train the Taliban. Even now, Pakistan's
military ruler, General Pervez Musharraf, seems to invest far more
energy in explaining his government's tolerance of Taliban activities
than he does in trying to shut them down
Musharraf says that he has sent tens of thousands
of troops to police border areas. Yet well-supplied Taliban fighters
keep showing up to battle U.S. troops in Afghanistan. He insists
that the training camps are still shut down and that he is committed
to thwarting the Taliban, but says he must proceed cautiously so
he doesn't inflame militant groups in Pakistan. That would be more
persuasive had the general not spent close to six years marginalizing
mainstream parties and cutting deals with Islamic extremists to
reinforce his rule.
When questioned about why he has repeatedly violated his promises
to restore civilian democracy, Musharraf argues that he must retain
power because Pakistan needs his strong and effective hand. Washington
needs to ask him why that strong hand seems so helpless against
the Taliban.
Zabul's
No Kabul: In Afghanistan's Badlands, Things Are Getting Worse, Not
Better
GALAT, July 9 (Economist)The
19th century British fort that dominates the skyline above Qalat
offers an easy reference point for low flying Apache helicopters
heading for the America base near the town, the capital of Afghanistan's
southern province of Zabul. Yet despite being backed by impressive
foreign muscle, the government's control in Qalat barely reaches
the city limits. On the Pakistani border, deep in the conservative
Pushtun belt from which Mullah Omar's movement first emerged to
gain control of Afghanistan, Zabul remains Taliban country. Security
has deteriorated so badly on the Kabul to Kandahar highway that
17 new emplacements were built along a 60-kilometre (40-mile) stretch
north of Qalat in June. The road is beginning to look like the Maginot
line.
Terrorists
Turn to the Web as Base of Operations
In this excellent article, Susan Glasser and Steve Coll, author
of the award-winning book Ghost Wars, document a phenomenon
that is frequently tossed around but rarely examined: the internet's
transformation of terrorist tactics. What was once just speculation
- popular as it might have been among the globalization choir --
has proven true: the number of terrorist web sites has grown from
12 to 4,500 in just eight years, and may have played a key role
in the London bombings.
The article dissects why the internet is, ideologically, an ideal
medium for jihad (its "shapeless disregard
for national boundaries and ethnic markers fits exactly with bin
Laden's original vision for al Qaeda"). It also illuminates
some fascinating details about how the net is used in practice,
such as the mechanics behind a "dead drop," a method of
securely concealing communications within chatter. The piece is
well worth a read in its entirety.
August 7 (Washington Post) by Steve Coll and Susan
B. GlasserThe snow-draped mountains
near Jalalabad in November 2001, as the Taliban collapsed and al
Qaeda lost its Afghan sanctuary, Osama bin Laden biographer Hamid
Mir watched "every second al Qaeda member carrying a laptop
computer along with a Kalashnikov" as they prepared to scatter
into hiding and exile. On the screens were photographs of Sept.
11 hijacker Mohamed Atta. Nearly four years later, al Qaeda has
become the first guerrilla movement in history to migrate from physical
space to cyberspace...
Among other things, al Qaeda and its offshoots
are building a massive and dynamic online library of training materialssome
supported by experts who answer questions on message boards or in
chat roomscovering such varied
subjects as how to mix ricin poison, how to make a bomb from commercial
chemicals, how to pose as a fisherman and sneak through Syria into
Iraq, how to shoot at a U.S. soldier, and how to navigate by the
stars while running through a night-shrouded desert. These materials
are cascading across the Web in Arabic, Urdu, Pashto and other first
languages of jihadist volunteers.
The Saudi Arabian branch of al Qaeda launched
an online magazine in 2004 that exhorted potential recruits to use
the Internet: "Oh Mujahid brother, in order to join the great
training camps you don't have to travel to other lands," declared
the inaugural issue of Muaskar al-Battar, or Camp of the Sword.
"Alone, in your home or with a group of your brothers, you
too can begin to execute the training program."
"Biological Weapons" was the stark title
of a 15-page Arabic language document posted two months ago on the
Web site of al Qaeda fugitive leader Mustafa Setmariam Nasar, one
of the jihadist movement's most important propagandists, often referred
to by the nom de guerre Abu Musab Suri. His document described "how
the pneumonic plague could be made into a biological weapon,"
if a small supply of the virus could be acquired
Al Qaeda's innovation on the Web "erodes
the ability of our security services to hit them when they're most
vulnerable, when they're moving," said Michael Scheuer, former
chief of the CIA unit that tracked bin Laden. "It used to be
they had to go to Sudan, they had to go to Yemen, they had to go
to Afghanistan to train," he added. Now, even when such travel
is necessary, an al Qaeda operative "no longer has to carry
anything that's incriminating. He doesn't need his schematics, he
doesn't need his blueprints, he doesn't need formulas." Everything
is posted on the Web or "can be sent ahead by encrypted Internet,
and it gets lost in the billions of messages that are out there."
The number of active jihadist-related Web sites
has metastasized since Sept. 11, 2001. When Gabriel Weimann, a professor
at the University of Haifa in Israel, began tracking terrorist-related
Web sites eight years ago, he found 12; today, he tracks more than
4,500. Hundreds of them celebrate al Qaeda or its ideas, he said.
"They are all linked indirectly through association
of belief, belonging to some community. The Internet is the network
that connects them all," Weimann said. "You can see the
virtual community come alive."
But al Qaeda's move into cyberspace is far from
total. Physical sanctuaries or unmolested spaces in Sunni Muslim-dominated
areas of Iraq, in ungoverned tribal territories of Pakistan, in
the southern Philippines, Africa and Europe still play important
roles. Most violent al Qaeda-related attacks -- even in the most
recent period of heavy jihadist Web useappear
to involve leaders or volunteers with some traditional training
camp or radical mosque backgrounds
One of al Qaeda's current Internet organizations,
the Global Islamic Media Front, is now posting "a lot of training
materials that we've been able to verify were used in Afghanistan,"
said Givner-Forbes, of the Terrorism Research Center. One recent
online manual instructed how to extract explosive materials from
missiles and land mines. Another offered a country-by-country list
of "explosive materials available in Western markets,"
including France, Germany, Italy, Japan, the former Soviet Union
and Britain."
The transit attacks in London may also have an
Internet connection, according to several analysts. They appear
to be successful examples of "al Qaeda's assiduous effort to
cultivate and train professional insurgents and urban warfare specialists
via the Internet," wrote Scheuer, the former CIA analyst.
*********
Afghanistan Watch is prepared by Carl
Robichaud, a program officer at The Century Foundation.
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